After 140 days at the Capitol in Austin, the Texas Legislature has just wrapped up its 89th session.

This year, state lawmakers . Among them were several important pieces of legislation focused on energy and the environment. Barring a veto from Gov. Greg Abbott, these will soon become law in Texas.

Here鈥檚 a breakdown of some of those measures.

A push for water security and wildfire resilience

Abbott opened this year鈥檚 legislative session by naming water as one of his top priorities.

鈥淲e will make the largest investment in water in the history of Texas,鈥� said Abbott in address. 鈥淲e will tap into new water supplies and repair pipes to save billions of gallons of water each year.鈥�

The numbers back up the need: According to the Texas Water Development Board, groundwater availability by 25% by 2070. Supply will be decreasing even as demand is expected to double 鈥� possibly much sooner.

Across the Texas Plains and Panhandle, farmers rely heavily on groundwater for irrigation, putting enormous pressure on the state鈥檚 aquifers. But that鈥檚 also changing in Texas.

鈥淥ur municipal demand is steadily increasing and will surpass the irrigation,鈥� said L鈥橭real Stepney, chairwoman for the Texas Water Development Board, before lawmakers earlier in the session.

鈥淢unicipal is going to be the number one user, and it鈥檒l be here before we know it,鈥� she added.

A new bill, Senate Bill 7, would pump into the Texas Water Fund. The money will go toward developing new water sources and shoring up old infrastructure 鈥� a lifeline for both farmers and growing cities.

Meanwhile, the Panhandle, still reeling from the state鈥檚 , saw movement on another front. Lawmakers passed SB 34, aimed at strengthening rural firefighting capacity 鈥� most of which relies on volunteers. The bill boosts potential grant funding and support for those departments.

Both the and wildfire bills are now on Gov. Abbott鈥檚 desk.

鈥� Brad Burt, Texas Tech Public Media

Lawmakers say no to renewable energy limits 鈥� but yes to grid investment

One of the big questions this session: would Texas put the brakes on renewable energy?

Proposals like Senate Bill 715 and Senate Bill 388 sought to limit the growth of wind and solar 鈥� or at least make them more expensive to develop. Supporters argued that would help stabilize the grid. Critics warned it would only drive up costs.

In a rare alliance, environmental, business and renewable energy groups pushed back and both bills failed. Bryn Baker, senior policy director for Texas Energy Buyers Alliance, was among those leading the opposition.

鈥淭his is about cost and reliability. Full stop. And if you鈥檙e talking about making things more expensive 鈥� you鈥檝e got a whole bunch of folks interested and concerned,鈥� Baker said.

Instead, lawmakers approved a major expansion of the Texas Energy Fund: $5 billion more to help build new power plants and fund grid resilience projects.

鈥� Mose Buchele, KUT Austin

Keeping chemical storage away from homes

Texas lawmakers have approved a ban on certain types of outdoor chemical storage facilities being located close to homes, a response to an Odessa-area industrial fire nearly a year ago that allegedly filled a neighborhood with 鈥渂lack sludge.鈥�

State Rep. Brooks Landgraf (R-Odessa) after the in July 2024 at Permian Basin Containers, a facility where a mix of oil industry-related chemicals and liquids were stored in stacked piles of large plastic tubs.

People living right next door to the facility said in a that the fire flooded their neighborhood with a mysterious sludge that seeped into homes and cars. The neighbors also reported a strong, noxious odor in the wake of the fire. Landgraf also raised concerns about the potential for groundwater contamination from the incident.

Landgraf鈥檚 legislation, , was sent to the governor鈥檚 desk in the final days of the state鈥檚 . It creates a ban on 鈥渋ntermediate bulk container recycling鈥� facilities being located within 2,000 feet of a private residence.

禄 MORE: 

鈥� AG真人百家乐 Bubenik, Marfa Public Radio

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Texas public schools are about to see a major cash infusion. Gov. Greg Abbott on Wednesday signed an $8.5 billion funding bill that delivers sweeping investments in teacher pay, early learning and campus security.

"Texas should be number one in educating our children," Abbott said. "The foundation is now in place for Texas education to begin the upward climb."

House Bill 2, one of the most closely watched bills of this year's legislative session, includes a historic $4.2 billion for teacher and school staff raises. The new law will dedicate nearly $2 billion to revamping the state's special education system and expanding access to full-day pre-K and early learning interventions, along with career and technical education programs. Another $430 million is set aside for school safety upgrades.

Most of the law takes effect in September, with some provisions starting next year.

During his address in February, Abbott named teacher pay raises an emergency legislative priority. Thus began months of between the Texas House and Senate over HB 2, which underwent significant revisions before finally shortly before the session ended earlier this week.

The law will also raise the state's basic allotment, the base amount schools receive per student, by $55. While the House initially proposed a $395 increase, that figure was scaled back during negotiations. Still, it's the first boost to the allotment since 2019.

HB 2 was pushed forward alongside Senate Bill 2, a measure that will create a statewide school voucher program. This will allow parents to use state tax dollars toward costs associated with educating their children outside of Texas' public school system 鈥� including private school tuition and homeschool expenses. The governor signed SB 2 into law last month; the voucher program is expected to launch in 2026.

On Wednesday, Abbott was joined by lawmakers and public school educators, including Temple ISD teacher JoMeka Gray, who was recently named for 2025 Texas Elementary Teacher of the Year. Gray praised HB 2, adding that it "makes a powerful commitment to the future of the teaching profession."

"This allows more teachers to focus entirely on teaching, without the constant worry of earning a liveable wage, and keeps our most effective teachers in the classroom," Gray said. "This legislation touches the lives of 5.5 million students enrolled in Texas public schools."

Copyright 2025 KERA

Texas has ended its decades-long policy of extending in-state tuition to students without legal status.

Attorney General Ken Paxton announced Wednesday the state had filed a joint motion with the U.S. Department of Justice asking a federal court to declare a section of the Texas Education Code "unconstitutional and invalid" and permanently block the state from enforcing it. A judge agreed.

"Ending this discriminatory and un-American provision is a major victory for Texas," Paxton said in a statement.

The order came after the U.S. Department of Justice on Wednesday to stop Texas from giving in-state tuition to immigrant students without legal status.

In a news release, the department said Texas unconstitutionally discriminates against U.S. citizens who aren't afforded the same privileges.

"The Justice Department will relentlessly fight to vindicate federal law and ensure that U.S. citizens are not treated like second-class citizens anywhere in the country," Attorney General Pamela Bondi said in the statement.

Texas, the complaint reads, allows students "who are not lawfully present in the United States to qualify for reduced tuition at public state colleges, even as U.S. citizens from other states must pay higher tuition rates."

DOJ said the policy conflicts with federal law. In 2001 Texas became the first state to pass a law allowing students without legal status to receive in-state tuition if they meet certain requirements. Twenty-four states , according to the Higher Ed Immigration Portal.

Dallas activist and DACA recipient Ramiro Luna told KERA he's "deeply disappointed" in the DOJ and said the complaint is an infringement on states' rights.

"I understand the opportunity that education has provided me," he said. "We're cutting at the kneecaps, you know, young bright students from pursuing their dreams, and those dreams are going to be something that's going to feed into our state and the country as a whole."

Democratic state Rep. Ram贸n Romero of Fort Worth said it's "shameful" for the Trump administration to "[attack] Texas students who grew up in Texas, graduated from high school in Texas, and call this state home.

"Targeting them does nothing to make our country stronger," he wrote.

The lawsuit, filed in the Wichita Falls division of the Northern District of Texas, is part of the Trump administration's larger effort clamping down on illegal immigration and tightening immigration policies.

President Donald Trump recently signed two executive orders targeting immigrants without legal status, including one that ensures "no taxpayer-funded benefits go to unqualified aliens," and another barring "laws, regulations, including State laws that provide in-State higher education tuition to aliens but not to out-of-State American citizens."

In a , Gov. Greg Abbott shared Judge Reed O'Connor's order, writing that "In-state tuition for illegal immigrants in Texas has ended."

There were about 57,000 students without legal status enrolled in Texas colleges and universities in 2022, according to a .

The state Senate this session that would have ended in-state tuition for students without legal status, but the legislation failed to get out of the chamber.

Bill Zeeble is KERA's education reporter. Got a tip? Email Bill at [email protected]. You can follow him on X .

KERA News is made possible through the generosity of our members. If you find this reporting valuable, consider . Thank you.

Copyright 2025 KERA

A bill that would give Texas parents and school boards significant power over deciding what books are permitted in their kids鈥� public school libraries is now awaiting a final nod from Gov. Greg Abbott.

The controversial measure, , was authored by McKinney Republican Sen. Angela Paxton. The legislation was officially sent to Abbott鈥檚 desk Tuesday after the House and Senate approved a final version of the legislation over the weekend.

SB 13 creates a process for books to be challenged and removed from circulation. The legislation gives school boards the authority to supersede librarians鈥� decisions on which material is permitted in campus libraries.

Under the bill, school boards would be responsible for creating district-specific policies around what books may be removed or added to their catalogs. The measure also allows school boards to establish library advisory councils to handle the job. The councils 鈥� which would be made up of members appointed by the school board 鈥� must consist of a majority of parents from the district, but can also include people unaffiliated with the school.

The legislation also allows parents to submit a list of books their children are specifically prohibited from checking out at school.

Supporters of the change, like Salado Republican Rep. Brad Buckley, have said it will keep inappropriate books out of students' hands.

鈥淪B 13 understands that too often and for too long our libraries have been filled with agendas. And it鈥檚 time to end that,鈥� Buckley said during debate on the measure. 鈥淏ut the way to end it is to empower our local leaders 鈥� and our parents, locally 鈥� to find some resolution.鈥�

鈥淚 am one of those parents,鈥� said Rep. Hillary Hickland, a Republican from Belton, adding she was "appalled" when she saw some of 鈥渨hat our children are exposed to 鈥� wicked, vile filth. 鈥� It鈥檚 fair to say that trust has been broken between parents and public schools.鈥�

Opponents of the legislation say SB 13 is an 鈥渙verreach鈥� that could create barriers to learning.

That's how Rep. Vicky Goodwin, an Austin Democrat, put it when she urged her fellow lawmakers to vote against the measure earlier this session.

鈥淲e do need to protect our kids from pornography and inappropriate content,鈥� she said, while adding that the authority to make those calls should be kept with education and library professionals.

鈥淥ur local school districts have [already] created their own book policies,鈥� she said.

Houston Democratic Rep. Jolanda Jones has taken issue with the bill allowing some non-parents to serve on advisory councils.

鈥淪B 13 gives a handpicked group of people on a district-wide council the power to cancel culture, censor curiosity, and control what every kid can read 鈥� even if they don鈥檛 represent the whole district,鈥� Jones said.

Though the chambers had disagreements around some details in SB 13, they were ultimately able to work them out , ultimately sending the measure to Gov. Abbott.

Unless Abbott chooses to veto the bill, it will become law and go into effect next school year.

The Texas Newsroom's Blaise Gainey contributed additional reporting to this story.

Texas law enforcement agencies may soon be required to take a larger role in immigration enforcement.

Senate Bill 8, which made it to Gov. Greg Abbott's desk, would require county sheriffs who run a jail to have a written agreement partnering with Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

A lot of law enforcement agencies already cooperate with ICE 鈥� at least informally. For example, say someone who is undocumented is arrested and taken to the AG真人百家乐 County jail. If ICE asks, the sheriff's office can detain the person for federal authorities.

SB 8 would require a formal agreement. The AG真人百家乐 County Sheriff's Office is weighing how that could look. An agency spokesperson said it's 鈥渃arefully considering鈥� models of partnership with ICE "based on the needs of the community and our agency." The spokesperson said the decision would be based on "available resources," but did not elaborate.

Sarah Cruz with ACLU Texas said state efforts to enforce immigration 鈥� including Operation Lone Star, the state鈥檚 multibillion-dollar crackdown on undocumented migration 鈥� have led to more racial profiling.

Cruz said she worries SB 8 could lead to more.

"I think our concern is that [SB 8] potentially leads to more racial profiling in Texas," she said. "I think over the last few years, we've seen Operation Lone Star be really harmful to our border communities, and this is now something that our interior communities are going to be facing as we have more collaboration with ICE."

The governor has previously signaled support for the measure.

The bill is one of a handful of state laws requiring local immigration enforcement stretching back nearly a decade. A 2017 law banning so-called sanctuary cities forced sheriffs to cooperate with detainer requests from ICE. The City of Austin and other cities unsuccessfully challenged that law and the sheriff's office began complying with requests.

A 2024 law would have required all law enforcement agencies in Texas to enforce immigration, but it's in a federal appeals court.

When Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick stood before the Texas Senate on Monday, gavel in hand, ready to adjourn for the state鈥檚 89th Legislature, he had nothing but praise for the chamber he leads.

鈥淚 don鈥檛 think we鈥檝e ever had a better group of 31 Senators,鈥� said Patrick. "I believe, in modern times 鈥� I can鈥檛 go back 100 years 鈥� this is the finest session any Texas Senate has ever had.鈥�

Next door, House Speaker Dustin Burrows shared a similar sentiment while also acknowledging a rocky beginning for the chamber.

"We started this session as a House in a bit of uncertainty,鈥� Burrows said from the dais on the floor of the Texas House. 鈥淚 believe that we ended in a much more unified and solid place.鈥�

While not always peaceful, the session was 鈥� from at least a numerical standpoint 鈥� a productive one.

This year, lawmakers , including controversial measures like creating a $1 billion school voucher program and another that . But the Texas Legislature also made big, bipartisan moves, like expanding public school funding by $8.5 billion and making a promise to invest over the next 20 years.

So was it, as Burrows and Patrick said, a banner year where legislators worked together to accomplish more than ever? Or a wild, partisan circus? Well, the answer to that question varies depending on which lawmakers you ask.

The Texas House finds its footing

As Burrows alluded to in his Sine die closing remarks, things on the Texas House side started on a tumultuous note. But that was to be expected: Weeks before opening day, previous House Speaker Rep. Dade Phelan (R-Beaumont) chose to bow out of the speaker鈥檚 race amid growing pressure.

Challengers from within the Republican Party were seeking to replace Phelan with someone they perceived as more conservative.

That led to a dramatic first day of the session, and a face off for the powerful leadership role between two Republicans: Mansfield Rep. David Cook and Lubbock Rep. Dustin Burrows.

In the end, Burrows snagged the votes needed to secure the job 鈥� but that didn鈥檛 end the drama around the selection. That mainly stemmed from House Democrats helping Burrows secure the speakership.

One of Burrows' biggest critics throughout the session was Midlothian Republican Rep. Brian Harrison, who often accused the Speaker of purposely running down the clock and putting too many bills sponsored by Democrats on the calendar.

On Monday, he told The Texas Newsroom 鈥渧ery little good鈥� got done this session.

鈥淚鈥檓 very grateful that this train wreck of a session is coming to a conclusion today,鈥� he said. 鈥淚t would鈥檝e been better for Texans if this session ended the day after it started.鈥�

More specifically, Harrison said the state just did too much to limit Texans freedoms and spent too much taxpayer dollars.

But other Republicans who spoke with The Texas Newsroom this week had a more positive view.

鈥淚 think we ended with a great session,鈥� said Rep. Carolina Harris Davila of Round Rock. 鈥淚 think we see historic funding for education which has been amazing.鈥�

Democrats expressed more measured enthusiasm.

鈥淚t was definitely a mixed bag for us,鈥� said Rep. Jon Rosenthal of Houston. 鈥淔or Democrats, I think we were a little taken aback by the number and veracity of the things I think we鈥檇 consider most egregious.鈥�

Rosenthal did commend Burrows for the session鈥檚 overall flow.

鈥淔unctionally, and the running of the House, for the most part I thought it was really well done. Better organized.鈥� he said.

鈥楾he legislature failed鈥�

When it comes to the best bills that passed this session, almost every lawmaker mentioned House Bill 2, the school funding bill.

But lawmakers' effort to lower Texans鈥� property taxes by increasing the homestead exemption received mixed reviews.

While several told The Texas Newsroom the property tax bills 鈥� and 鈥� said they believed it would put money into people鈥檚 pockets right away, Rep. Rosenthal thought differently.

鈥淭he legislature failed. We did a property tax package without considering the massive increases in insurance,鈥� said Rosenthal. 鈥淪o even that little piece that we thought would be helpful will be swallowed up by the increase in insurance.鈥�

He wasn鈥檛 alone in his thoughts on the bills. Rep. Harrison agrees. But he also took issue with Senate Bill 3 which bans THC even for adults in the state.

鈥淚t鈥檚 for a very simple reason: The government is not your parent,鈥� he said.

鈥�95% of what we pass is bipartisan鈥�

Perhaps surprisingly to the casual observer of Texas politics, the majority of bills passed this session (and most other sessions) did so with support from both sides of the aisle.

鈥淭he Texas legislature is so unique because 95% of what we pass is bipartisan,鈥� said Rep. Davila.

For Rep. Cook, his highlight was .

鈥淚t gets inmates ready so they can get their license while they鈥檙e still incarcerated. And can actually do their interviewing where employers come into the prison facilities,鈥� said Cook.

Cook sponsored SB 1080鈥檚 companion bill in the House. That measure passed with a unanimous vote in the Senate, and 148-2 in the House.

鈥淭hey鈥檙e actually able to interview for a job so that when they leave prison they are going into a job,鈥� said Cook. 鈥淪o that they鈥檙e chances of returning to prison are greatly reduced.鈥�

Rep. Mihaela Plesa, a Dallas Democrat, said working together is when the legislature really shines.

鈥淲hen we are in the Capitol building, us working together on a bipartisan basis is when we get the best work done," Plesa told The Texas Newsroom.

To her, their best collaborative work this year was on the aforementioned property tax legislation. SB 4 passed unanimously in both chambers, while SB 23 was just one vote shy of that.

Bills lawmakers wished passed 

Though more than 1,200 bills passed, there were also thousands that didn鈥檛.

Rep. Rosenthal expressed disappointment that his bill banning child marriage didn鈥檛 make it to Gov. Greg Abbott鈥檚 desk.

鈥淭he fact that my personal favorite (and then) died in the Senate. I鈥檓 sad about that,鈥� said Rosenthal.

For Rep. Venton Jones, a Dallas Democrat, his top bill that didn鈥檛 pass was .

鈥淭hat would work to improve HIV testing across our state,鈥� Jones told The Texas Newsroom. 鈥淢aking sure that if a person went to their doctor to get screened for STI鈥檚, that an HIV test would be offered as part of STI screenings.鈥�

But he also saw issues with a bill that did pass.

鈥淲e鈥檙e still in the hole when it comes to providing needed raises to teachers, and investing in our schools infrastructure so that safety can be improved,鈥� said Jones, commenting on HB 2, the school funding bill.

Sine die

All in all, there was one thing every lawmaker could agree on: Not one complained about the session coming to an end.

After 140 days, most said they were ready to get back to their districts and tell their constituents about all the good work they'd done.

Most will also be getting back to their real careers 鈥� something the majority of state lawmakers have. That鈥檚 because the Texas Legislature only meets every other year, and legislators are only paid around $45,000 over the course of that 2-year cycle.

President Trump took yet another step Tuesday to place NPR and PBS at the center of his broader clash with major cultural institutions, formally asking Congress to take back the $1.1 billion it has set aside for all public broadcasters for the next two years.

A simple majority of lawmakers in each chamber must approve what's technically known as a "rescission request" within 45 days for it to become law. With their slim leads in both the House and Senate, Republicans can afford just a few defections.

A House subcommittee hearing earlier this spring set the stage for Trump's request. His Republican allies accused NPR and PBS of partisan bias. Lawmakers used the hearing as a springboard to argue for that is funneled through the Corporation for Public Broadcasting to local stations and the public media networks.

The cuts to public broadcasting are part of a larger package from the White House of $9.4 billion in proposed clawbacks, which include funding for foreign aid. Senate Appropriations Committee Chair Susan Collins, R-Maine, told reporters she got an early copy. She noted it included a cut to the HIV/AIDS program started by President George W. Bush that is known as PEPFAR. Collins said it was "one of the most successful public health programs in the world without a doubt."

"I will not support a cut in PEPFAR, which is a program that has saved literally millions of lives and has been extremely effective and well run," Collins told reporters. She sidestepped a question on cuts to CPB and whether there were enough Senate Republicans to block the bill.

The rescission request follows grousing from conservative Republicans that the only after Trump visited Capitol Hill would significantly raise the federal debt in coming years.

Yet the $1.1 billion to be rescinded from public broadcasting would make little dent in the , even as it represents the full funding levels for the Corporation for Public Broadcasting through the end of September 2027. Congress approved that funding in March as part of a stopgap spending bill the president signed.

While public broadcasting has enjoyed bipartisan support over its decades of existence, many Republicans consider it to have a liberal outlook or bias.

"NPR and PBS have increasingly become radical, left-wing echo chambers for a narrow audience of mostly wealthy, white, urban liberals and progressives," Rep. Marjorie Taylor-Greene of Georgia, a vocal Trump ally, said at the subcommittee hearing earlier this spring.

Even so, Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski, a Republican, in favor of retaining federal funding, saying stations in her state provide vital services.

Some leading Democrats also have flagged their enduring support for the networks. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer and Sen. Patty Murray, the leading Democrat on the Senate Appropriations Committee, accused Trump of "misplaced priorities."

"President Trump is looking to go after PBS and NPR to settle political scores and muzzle the free press, while undermining foreign assistance programs that push back on China's malign influence, save lives, and address other bipartisan priorities," .

Rep. Dan Goldman of New York, the Democratic co-chair of the House Public Broadcasting Caucus, sent a letter in May signed by 106 lawmakers 鈥� all Democrats 鈥� to House appropriators in which they advocated for maintaining financial subsidies.

"Without federal support for public broadcasting, many localities would struggle to receive timely, reliable local news and educational content, especially remote and rural communities that commercial newsrooms are increasingly less likely to invest in," stated the letter obtained by NPR. "In states such as Alaska, Minnesota, North Dakota, and Texas, rural public radio stations are often the only weekly or daily news source in their communities. Even in places with other daily or weekly news sources, those outlets may not be directing resources toward original or locally based stories, leaving it to public stations to fill the gap."

As relatively small as the public broadcasting funding is to the larger fiscal picture, the rescission request represents an expansion of Trump's rhetorical attacks on NPR and PBS. He has previously sought to take control of CPB's board by ordering the firing of three of its five members. He also issued an executive order stating that no money from CPB can go to NPR or PBS 鈥� and that other public broadcasters that receive CPB money cannot send it to the two national networks.

Those moves are now being questioned in court. CPB is privately incorporated in the District of Columbia and was set up by Congress with statutory safeguards against political influence. It sued the Trump White House over the attempt to fire CPB directors. Then NPR and three Colorado member stations sued the administration over Trump's edict that no federal taxpayer money go to NPR or PBS. At the end of May, PBS and Minnesota affiliate Lakeland PBS followed up with their own joint lawsuit challenging the executive order.

Trump's rescission request, however, is unquestionably legal. And it has prompted a flurry of lobbying. Officials from nearly 200 public radio stations flooded Capitol Hill in May to tell lawmakers about the value they say they bring to their communities and regions.

By law, Trump's message kicks off the 45-day period for Congress to consider his request. It's unclear when the House and Senate will take up the measure, but House Speaker Mike Johnson mentioned the rescissions package last week as part of a focus on enacting more spending cuts. He vowed to

The last time a president successfully made a rescission request was a generation ago.

Disclosure: This story was reported and written by NPR Media Correspondent David Folkenflik and NPR Congressional Correspondent Deirdre Walsh. It was edited by Deputy Business Editor Emily Kopp, Managing Editor Vickie Walton-James and Managing Editor Gerry Holmes. Under NPR's protocol for reporting on itself, no corporate official or news executive reviewed this story before it was posted publicly.

Copyright 2025 NPR

Colton Luther isn鈥檛 usually one for inserting himself in politics. Yet, last week, he found himself writing a letter to Gov. Greg Abbott.

Luther works closely with farmers at Geremy Greens, a hemp farm located just outside Austin. He said Senate Bill 3, which would ban consumable THC products like vapes and gummies, will have massive implications for hemp farmers.

鈥淭his is bad policy," he said. "This is policy that takes away an entire industry. It takes away jobs, it takes away money. There is going to be a ton of devastation from this bill."

Luther鈥檚 message was one of roughly 120,000 handwritten letters and signed petitions from farmers, small business owners and veterans that were delivered to the governor鈥檚 office Monday. Each of them urges Abbott to veto SB 3 and rewrite a THC policy that calls for stricter regulation opposed to an all-out ban.

Luther said Texas farmers are losing money every day the bill hangs in limbo.

鈥淔armers out there are uncertain now of the next season,鈥� Luther said. 鈥淲e have [some groves] that are actually on pause at the moment, losing money day by day, waiting to make sure what they grow, what they process, the transactions that they do, do not land them a felony.鈥�

Lawmakers have reassured farmers that it鈥檚 just consumable hemp products that contain THC on the line, but Luther said that accounts for most of growers' business.

鈥淚f you take away the market that creates the demand that the farmers are upholding 鈥� what business do we have left?鈥� he said.

Luther said many farmers are making plans to move to states where marijuana is legal or decriminalized, which he said are 鈥渂egging鈥� for hemp production. But that's worse-case scenario.

"We love Texas. We love helping Texans. That's our biggest passion," he said. "That's why we're still here, why we go through these uncomfortable press conferences ... we really we do care about our neighbors."

U.S. Army Veteran Dave Walden also penned a letter to Abbott, warning a THC ban would leave veterans reliant solely on the Texas Compassionate Use Program. Walden said THC products through the program cost him five times more compared to options at cannabis dispensaries.

鈥淎 veteran that lives off disability and makes a couple grand a month and that鈥檚 all the income they have, how can they afford it?鈥� Walden said.

Mitch Fuller, the national and state legislative chairman for Texas Veterans of Foreign Wars, also wrote to Abbott.

鈥淸It鈥檚] an important alternative modality to the opioids and antidepressants that the VA has been negligent in shoving down our throats for the last 25 years,鈥� he said. 鈥淭hat's the problem, that鈥檚 the poison: the opioids.鈥�

Fuller said opposing SB 3 is the top priority for the veterans organization. He said taking away readily available THC products could result in an uptick in veteran suicides.

鈥淧lease don鈥檛 take something away from us that works,鈥� he said Monday.

SB 3 was championed by Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, who argues the bill will "save an entire generation from being hooked on drugs."

Patrick, along with other supporters of the bill, have raised concerns about children getting their hands on THC products sold in candy-like packaging throughout the state.

Aubree Adams, director of Citizens for a Safe and Healthy Texas, said her son became addicted to marijuana and experienced cannabis-induced psychosis.

"It鈥檚 a predatory, addiction for profit industry that wants to profit off the destruction of our families while they鈥檙e laughing all the way to the bank," she said. "They don鈥檛 want people to know the true harms of THC,鈥� she said.

Abbott has until June 22 to take action on the bill. He hasn't indicated whether he will veto it.

If he doesn't, or if he signs it, the bill will go into effect on September 1.

After nearly five months meeting in Austin, the Texas Legislature wrapped up its 89th session on Monday.

Once again, education was a huge topic at the statehouse this year. From passing a billion dollar school voucher plan to a sweeping school funding bill, lawmakers made some big moves that will affect public education in Texas for years to come.

But there were also many other consequential education-related bills lawmakers passed in addition to the marquee legislation. Barring a veto from Gov. Greg Abbott, these will soon become law in Texas.

Here鈥檚 a breakdown of some of those measures.

Senate Bill 568 - Increasing special education funding

creates a new system that ties special education funding directly to the intensity of services students require.

The bill also adds a $125 million investment for staffing and expands support for transportation of special education students.

Sen. Paul Bettencourt, a Houston Republican, authored the bill and says the goal is to ensure equitable support for students with disabilities statewide.

鈥淚 could go on and on but that is the key thing: you wanna be able to get evaluations for special needs children early on so there can be early intervention,鈥� Bettencourt said.

The measure passed out of both chambers unanimously and now heads to the governor's desk for final approval.

If signed, this would impact more than 700,000 Texas students receiving special education services.

鈥� Lucio Vasquez, The Texas Newsroom

Senate Bill 13 - More oversight for school libraries

Over the weekend, the Texas Legislature gave a final sendoff to the governor鈥檚 desk.

The proposal, introduced by McKinney Republican Sen. Angela Paxton, would empower school boards to in their school libraries. It would also allow parents to submit a list of books their children are prohibited from checking out.

Supporters say it鈥檒l keep inappropriate books out of kids' hands. But Rep. Vikki Goodwin, an Austin Democrat, voted against the bill, saying it could 鈥渂reak and dismantle鈥� libraries in their communities.

鈥淲e do need to protect our kids from pornography and inappropriate content. But this bill is overreach and unnecessary,鈥� Goodwin said. 鈥淥ur local school districts have created their own book policies.鈥�

Though the chambers had some disagreements around SB 13, they were ultimately able to work them out in a conference committee.

Unless Abbott vetoes the measure, it would go into effect next school year.

鈥� Nina Banks, The Texas Newsroom

Senate Bill 12 - Ban on diversity, equity and inclusion in K-12 schools

Sen. Brandon Creighton, who authored , calls it a 鈥減arental rights bill,鈥� giving parents more .

It bans DEI in hiring decisions, training and duties and prohibits student groups centered around sexual orientation or gender identity.

House Education Committee Chair Brad Buckley, a Republican from Killeen, says the bill lets kids be kids, adding that 鈥渢hey have way more in common than they have in differences.鈥�

鈥淲e want to return that so that children can gather together in things that are community minded where they can share experiences together throughout their school year,鈥� Buckley said.

Opponents, including North Texas Rep. Chris Turner, say SB 12 targets Black and Latino kids, and bans school groups like the Gay-Straight Alliance, all with approval from the state.

鈥淭hat same government is going to say to high school kids 鈥榶ou cannot be in a club with people like you. Think how wrong that is,鈥� Turner said.

SB 12 now heads to the governor for his signature. Unless Abbott vetoes the bill, which seems unlikely, the law will take effect Sept. 1.

鈥� Bill Zeeble, KERA News

House Bill 1481 - Limits on personal communication devices in school

bans K-12 students from using cellphones in school. The policy also requires schools to have disciplinary actions set up for students who break the rules.

Rep. Caroline Fairly, an Amarillo Republican, authored the bill. She said she wanted to create a distraction free environment for students in the state鈥檚 public schools.

When Fairly introduced the bill for its second reading, emphasized that the policy still gives schools flexibility.

鈥淗B 1481, it is a bill that prohibits smart devices from being out during school hours while also maintaining local control,鈥� Fairly told members of the chamber.

That local control means that, under the law, school districts can decide where students can store their phones while in class. Options include secure pouches, lockers, charging stations or backpacks.

The bill had bipartisan support from lawmakers, but critics have voiced concerns about student safety. They have argued that, in an emergency, students should be able to access their phones to call for help.

The bill is on the way to the governor鈥檚 desk.

If approved, the law would go into effect Sept. 1, paving the way for Texas to join several other states that already have similar policies, including California, Florida, Minnesota, Ohio and Louisiana.

鈥� Sarah Asch, Texas Standard

Programs where governments give cash to low-income people with no strings attached may be permitted to continue in Texas after lawmakers failed to pass bills barring these programs.

Republican lawmakers filed four bills this legislative session to stop guaranteed income programs, arguing that public money should not be given to private individuals without a clear purpose.

But while at least one bill appeared to have the momentum needed to become law, all eventually failed.

Both state Sen. Paul Bettencourt, a Republican from Houston and state Rep. Ellen Troxclair, a Republican from the Austin area, authored bills prohibiting direct or indirect cash payments from local governments to individuals.

Senate Bill 2010, filed by Bettencourt, showed the most promise of becoming law this session. Lawmakers passed it out of the Senate. It went to the House. But once there it died.

Bettencourt did not respond to a request for comment, while Troxclair's office declined an interview.

Guaranteed income programs have become increasingly popular in the U.S. New York, Los Angeles and New Orleans all have or had guaranteed income programs. Supporters of guaranteed income programs have painted them as necessary safety nets, especially as the cost of food and housing has risen across the country.

鈥淚t is the fine line between living in survival mode, just barely making it, and being able to thrive and take care of yourself,鈥� said Ashleigh Hamilton, who was part of a guaranteed income program in Texas during the pandemic and testified against these bills during the legislative sessions

Austin has had a guaranteed income program since 2022. Last year, the city committed to giving 97 people $1,000 a month for a year. Participants received their last payment in May.

But as much as these programs have been celebrated, they have equally been criticized. GOP-led states, including Iowa, Arkansas and Idaho, have outlawed them.

Even before the legislative session began it was clear guaranteed income would be a target of Texas lawmakers. In Jan. 2024, Bettencourt asked whether guaranteed income programs violate the state constitution.

Months later, Paxton made his opinion clear: He to halt its guaranteed income program. The Texas Supreme Court freezing the program.

鈥淭here is no such thing as free money 鈥� especially in Texas,鈥� Paxton wrote in the lawsuit. He pointed to a clause in the state鈥檚 constitution prohibiting public funds from being given to private individuals with no clear aim.

Lawmakers made similar arguments this session. They also questioned in hearings whether government cash programs that don鈥檛 require participants to work encouraged people to work less.

Research on the impacts of guaranteed income on employment are mixed. One study people who got $1,000 a month worked, on average, than people who did not receive this cash. have found on work hours.

Lawmakers did not spend much time debating how people who participate in guaranteed income programs spend that money, which has historically been a critique of these programs. In one study of Austin鈥檚 guaranteed income program, people who received the money said they spent most of it on housing, either in the form of rent or mortgage payments.

It鈥檚 unclear if Austin will continue to fund its guaranteed income program. Mayor Pro Tem Vanessa Fuentes, who represents parts of Southeast Austin and has been an advocate of guaranteed income in the past, said Monday she would push to continue it. The city typically finalizes its budget in August.